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Note Note 11 The report was based on documents deliberately leaked by the White House.

Cheney, Powell, and Condoleezza Rice appeared on Sunday talk shows the same day to draw attention to the report. Wolfowitz said his enclave strategy would easily succeed. To achieve regime change, a full-scale military invasion of Iraq with CIA support would be necessary. Wolfowitz thought that a state sponsor had to be involved; Rumsfeld said that Iraq had better targets than Afghanistan. According to Richard Clarke, when he told Bush that al-Qaeda was definitely responsible and that past efforts had not found any real evidence connecting it with Iraq, Bush seemed irritated, Note 17 and at a September 13 NSC meeting Bush asked again that the CIA look for possible Iraqi involvement.

Bush told the Pentagon to give him plans and a cost estimate for an Iraq war. Note 18 Clarke began a special project to look again for a link between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden. At a September 17 NSC meeting Bush again directed that contingency plans for attacking Iraq be prepared, including a plan to seize its oilfields.


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He reportedly signed a top secret order directing the Pentagon to begin planning for war with Afghanistan -- and an invasion of Iraq. Clarke later told 60 Minutes that the NSC sent back the first draft of the memo because it did not like its conclusions. Bush, Cheney, Rice, Stephen Hadley, Rumsfeld, Powell, under secretaries at the State and Defense Departments, and other senior administration officials received the paper. For the second goal Rumsfeld wanted a plan taking one or two months and the deployment of , troops.

Rumsfeld rejected the force levels as too high and the timing for deployment as too long.

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Bush's War: Part I

He told him to question everything in the existing contingency plan for an Iraq war Oplan When the war started invasion forces were equipped with protective gear. What better adversary as a pilot project than an Iraq with a collapsed economy, deep internal divisions, an easily demonized head of state, and a military, never considered particularly effective by U.

In reality, the attacks on the communications system contributed to the social collapse that followed the invasion, while U. The unlikelihood of objective analysis reaching the conclusion that the Iraq invasion could be considered just or necessary complicated hopes for coalition building as serious war planning moved forward.

For the British, a Blair decision to join in a U. From the neoconservative perspective, this was to give an Iraqi face to the war and justify a post-invasion INC assumption of power. After the Iraq invasion the U. Positive images were evidently not easy to come by. The participation of the INC and the Free Iraqi Forces it sponsored in the invasion did not go as the neoconservatives had hoped. Tommy Franks was an obstacle; he had little use for Iraqi exile groups and did not want them interfering with his war plan.

Note 33 September 11 was not the motivation for the U.

Sept. 20, 2001 - Bush Declares War on Terror

An International Atomic Energy Agency report declares Iraq to be free of nuclear weapons, stating that its nuclear facilities were destroyed by U. International Atomic Energy Agency. Our Work. Document 2 : U. Document 3 : U. Walker, Jr. Informs the secretary of state that the origin of the U. Document 4 : U.

Department of State Memo from Robert J. Einhorn and James A. Indicates early high-level interest in aluminum tubes purchased by Iraq before even a preliminary determination has been made as to whether they are intended for nuclear weapons use -- a sample is to be shown to the president the next day. Also shows immediate U. Document 5 : U. Amazon Advertising Find, attract, and engage customers. Amazon Drive Cloud storage from Amazon.

Prelude to war

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Carriers at War: Strike Force Arabian Gulf | Smithsonian Channel

Based on interviews with more than a hundred sources and four hours of exclusive interviews with the president, Bush at War reveals Bush's sweeping, almost grandiose, vision for remaking the world. Woodward's virtual wiretap into the White House Situation Room reveals a stunning group portrait of an untested president and his advisers, three of whom might themselves have made it to the presidency.

Vice President Dick Cheney, taciturn but hard-line, always pressing for more urgency in Afghanistan and toward Iraq. Secretary of State Colin Powell, the cautious diplomat and loyal soldier, tasked with building an international coalition in an administration prone to unilateralism. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, the brainy agitator and media star who led the military through Afghanistan and, he hopes, through Iraq. National security adviser Condoleezza Rice, the ever-present troubleshooter who surprisingly emerges as perhaps the president's most important adviser.